|
Academic Disputes and Dialogue Collection: Preface
Michael D. Langone, Ph.D.
Abstract
This paper briefly reviews the history of academic disputes and attempts
at dialogue in the cultic studies field. The paper also serves as an
introduction to a
collection of articles on this subject on the Web site of
International Cultic Studies Association:
www.culticstudies.org.
Over the years ICSA has published a number of articles
addressing academic disputes and dialogue regarding cults
[1] and brainwashing (frequently called “thought reform,” “coercive
persuasion,” or “mind control”). In order to illuminate the history of these
disputes and the issues they have addressed, we have put together an online
collection, “Academic Disputes and Dialogue.”
A different perspective on this subject can be found
here:
http://www.cesnur.org/testi/se_brainwash.htm
The disputes became conspicuous in the late 1970s and early
1980s, when the Jonestown tragedy of 1978 made cults front-page news and when
parents of some cult-involved youth were resorting to “deprogramming” their
children in order to persuade them to leave the controversial groups. Some
parents were also lobbying legislators to pass conservatorship legislation that
would facilitate parents’ attempts to get their children out of cultic groups.
Some academicians, mostly sociologists and religious scholars, were highly
critical of these activists, while some professionals and academicians, mostly
psychologists and psychiatrists, were sympathetic to the parents to varying
degrees. This paper focuses on the disputes and dialogue among academicians and
professionals. However, it should be noted that lay activists have played
important roles in various disputes.
The academic disputants were often referred to as
“pro-cultists” and “anti-cultists.” However, I prefer the terms “cult critics”
and “cult sympathizers” in order to indicate that the disagreement is more a
question of how much critical emphasis a scholar or professional deems
appropriate, rather than whether or not he or she is “for” or “against”
“cults.” Whatever terms one prefers, it is clear that by the early 1980s there
were indeed two “camps” within the cultic studies field.
Two early and influential books expressing the
sympathizers’ position were those of Bromley & Shupe (1981) and Robbins &
Anthony (1981). Clark, Langone, Schecter, & Daly (1981) and Keiser & Keiser
(1987) provided two of the more balanced critical perspective on the cult issue
during these early years. I have previously summarized the issues fueling the
debate between the two camps:
Sympathizers viewed cultists as
“seekers” who freely and rationally chose to join their groups. Critics viewed
cult joining as a process dependent upon deception and manipulation, that is, as
an illusory or an uninformed choice, as a more intense and enduring form of the
psychosocial influence studied by social psychologists. Sympathizers,
nevertheless, often misrepresented the critics’ position by portraying them as
advocates of a robotization theory of cult conversion based on The Manchurian
Candidate. Sympathizers saw cultists’ families as threatened by cults and
desirous of gaining control over their cultist children. Critics saw families as
worried and anxious to save their loved ones from cult harm. Sympathizers
considered cults to be “innovative” groups and cult leaders to be
“entrepreneurial.” Critics viewed cults as destructive and their leaders as
deceitful and hypocritical. Sympathizers tended to accept at face value
cultists’ reports while doubting the accuracy of ex-cultists and their reports,
sometimes pejoratively referring to them as “apostates” (Lewis, 1989; Shupe &
Bromley, 1981) and “atrocity tales” (Bromley, Shupe, & Ventimiglia, 1979),
respectively. Critics tended to doubt the accuracy of the reports of cultists,
whom they considered to be deceived and manipulated, and looked favorably on
ex-cultists’ reports. Lastly, sympathizers condemned deprogramming and
guardianship proposals, sometimes with a level of passion inconsistent with
their official persona of “dispassionate scientists.” Critics, although not
usually in favor of deprogramming, tended to sympathize with parents who
attempted to deprogram their loved one and to be at least open to considering
guardianship proposals. (Langone, 1993, p. 32)
Some attempts at dialogue between the two camps were made
in the early 1980s. Volume 2, Number 1 (1983) of Cultic Studies Newsletter
(precursor to Cultic Studies Journal) contained an interesting collection
of essays that reflected the disputes of that day. Robbins (1983) commented on
an article in the previous issue of that newsletter and, in so doing, expressed
the substance and tone of many sympathizer critiques of cult critics during that
time period (see also Robbins, 1985).
Schuller (1983), in a review of Bromley
and Shupe (1981), similarly reflected the critics’ critiques of sympathizers.
In a tongue-in-cheek essay, I reflected on how we might enhance dialogue between
the “two tribes” of cultic studies researchers (Langone, 1983).
Kilbourne (1985) edited the proceedings of an American
Association for the Advancement of Science, Pacific Division conference in which
critics and sympathizers participated. Held in Logan, Utah, this conference’s
purpose “was to offer ‘neutral territory’ for the proponents of the different
perspectives to present their views on the key methodological and related issues
concerning new religions, the intention being to facilitate communication
between and understanding of the different perspectives” (p. 7). My late
colleague, Dr. John Clark, and I contributed to this conference (Langone &
Clark, 1985).
These attempts at dialogue, along with more productive
dialogue that began in the late 1990s contributed to at least some critics’ and
sympathizers’ adopting a more nuanced perspective of the issues than that
portrayed in the longer quotation above. Dialogue, however, was hindered by the
fact that in the mid-1980s former members of cultic groups began to sue
successfully for infliction of emotional distress and other reasons (see ICSA’s
collection of legal articles). Richardson (1996), for example, noted: “My
initial concern changed quickly into worry as it became obvious that the
brainwashing claims were being attended to by the legal system and policy
makers. A pattern quickly developed in the legal arena, with advocates of the
brainwashing theories winning in jury trials” (p. 118).
Shinn (1992), who wrote a thoughtful essay on the conflict
he felt as an academician in the courtroom, says:
Early in my eight hours on the
Robin George witness stand, I learned to adjust my standards of research
reporting to allow me to give yes and no answers much of the time and to ask
questions in return when I needed time to explain an answer. Since our academic
profession is grounded in the fundamental premise of accuracy in doing research
and honesty in reporting what we find, the ethical crises caused by having to
distill my answers to simplistic truisms—thereby distorting my complex research
findings—was more than a little disturbing.
Perhaps a more subtle and
insidious effect of such experiences was that before long I found myself
believing the simplistic pictures I was forced to paint in the courtroom and in
the media. These left me less inclined to inject the negative information I had
unearthed in my interviews and observations into my own analysis and
conclusions. Fortunately, early on in my research I met a fellow Krishna
researcher nearly as biased in the negative direction as I was in the positive
one. Subsequently, in my debates with this colleague I realized that the most
balanced analysis of the information we shared likely lay between our divergent
analyses. This encounter also enabled me constantly to question the relatively
simplistic analysis I was forced to give in the courtroom and in the media and
to allow my own negative critical judgments to come forward along with more
positive interpretations of the faith and practice of the Hare Krishnas.
Nonetheless, the courtroom and, to a lesser extent, the public media, in their
insistence upon simplicity and absoluteness with respect to truth, challenge any
scholar’s “truthfulness.” Even when religious studies scholars reach definite or
stark conclusions, they usually include considerable nuance. Such is not the
luxury of the courtroom—or the television studio. (p. 283)
What Shinn perhaps did not realize is that some cult
critics felt the same kinds of conflicts. My late colleague, Dr. John Clark,
for example, had made very similar statements in private conversations. He
essentially said: “Those are the rules of the legal profession. If you don’t
play by those rules, you won’t be effective.”
These legal battles, and the academic distortions they
tended to encourage, increased the polarization of the two “camps.” Also
contributing significantly to the increased polarization was the Frye standard,
which governed admissibility of expert testimony at that time. Frye required
that a scientific theory be generally accepted by the scientific community.
Thus, a few short years after the "divergent perspectives" volume was published
(Kilbourne, 1985), various documents, conferences, articles, and books (see
http://www.cesnur.org/testi/se_brainwash.htm for a collection of articles on
this subject by sympathizers) claimed that "the scientific community had
rejected brainwashing theory" — precisely what the sympathizers' lawyers wanted
to hear! Never has "science" witnessed such rapid "progress"! In only a few
years the "scientific community" supposedly concluded that there were no longer
two camps; there was one camp and a handful of renegade scientists. The fact
that some of these "renegades" wrote articles for prestigious publications, such
as The encyclopedia of sociology (Ofshe, 1992), The Merck manual of
diagnosis and therapy (Singer, 1986), and the Comprehensive textbook of
psychiatry (West & Singer, 1980) seemed to have no effect on the droning
chant, "the scientific community has rejected brainwashing."
The phenomenon bore an eerie resemblance to a political
campaign managed by public relations consultants and implemented by "spin
doctors." The so-called "Hadden memo” (Hadden, 1989, December 20), when it was
leaked to the public, caused quite a stir within the critical community, for it
reinforced the notion that “pro-cultists” were indeed scheming on behalf of
cults. But the memo also generated some controversy and concern among
sympathizers because it claims to speak for Drs. Eileen Barker and David
Bromley, when in fact they had disagreed with a number of points that Jeffrey
Hadden (now deceased) had made. I know and respect all the parties involved.
I’ve read the memo in the context of the “cult wars” that I have been
describing. I don’t believe it is as damning as some have made it out to be.
Cult sympathizers stand for certain principles, just as do cult critics.
Sometimes, these principles place the parties on different sides of an issue in
the courtroom. The courtroom, unfortunately, can tempt scholars to move into an
inappropriate advocacy mode. This advocacy mentality is what is most striking in
the Hadden memo. Here are a few selections from the memo:
Singer's position is typically
couched
in the notion that brainwashing is "irresistible,
irreversible, and that it takes place subtly without the
'victim' really being aware of what is happening." It seems
to us fairly clear that this does not happen. BUT, Singer's
testimony weaves back and forth between this proposition and
"normal" social influence theory.
If she, and/or others, were to back away from the
"irresistible, irreversible and subtle" definition, how does
this change the battleground? Would our task be easier or
more difficult? . . .
On the issue of the value of
research and litigation,
our legal consultant (Lieberman) was not particularly sanguine
about the prospects of social scientists coming up with
findings that would be of great value. In so many words, he
told us that the most important think [sic] we could do is prepare a
statement that refutes the claim that social science can be
helpful. I interpreted this as the agnostic statement we
discussed in Salt Lake. . .
AGENDA ITEM # 3 - Preparation of
the "agnostic" resolution
and development of a strategy for
encouraging the governing bodies of ASA,
APA (or perhaps Sect 38), SSSR, ASR, RRR
and CISR to adopt same.
In my opinion, much of Hadden’s concern resulted from
sensationalized media reports and recognition that “cults” are much more diverse
than these reports (and some of the early professional articles) implied. He
feared, as did I during the late 1970s and early 1980s, that an undiscerning
view of the cult phenomenon would result in abuses. That is why I opposed
conservatorship laws. Hadden (and some of his colleagues), however, exaggerated
the threat that legal cases posed to freedom of religion (see
Rosedale, 1993). As a result,
they attributed the caricature of brainwashing theory (“irresistible,
irreversible”) that might have appeared from time to time in courtrooms (recall
the Shinn quotation above) to all so-called “anti-cultists,” further
exacerbating the distrust between the two camps. These caricature-based attacks
against brainwashing theory have, I believe, been decisively refuted (see
Amitrani & Di Marzio,
2000a;
2000b;
Bardin, 1994;
Martin, Pile, Burks, & Martin, 1998;
Rosedale, 1993; Zimbardo,
1997,
2002) and the biases against
brainwashing theories within the sociology of religion community exposed (Balch
& Langdon, 1998; Beit-Hallahmi, 2001 (alternate
version of this paper available at www.apologeticsindex.org);
Kent & Krebs, 1998a,
1998b; Zablocki, 1996, 1997).
Moreover, the sympathizers appear to presume that the
relevant scientific community consists of sociologists of religion and
religious studies scholars. However, if a court is investigating whether or not
a particular group harmed a particular person (see
McKibben, Lynn, &
Malinoski, 2000), one might conclude that psychology is at least as relevant a
scientific discipline as sociology. There has been a general understanding
within the mental health field that groups can gain high levels of influence
over people. A recent survey of 700 psychologists (Lottick, 2005), for example,
found that over 50% strongly support a law against “brainwashing” (therefore,
they must believe that “brainwashing” exists!), a figure that ironically might
be higher than what one would find among psychologists who are cult experts,
perhaps because the latter might be more sensitive to how such a law could be
abused. Thus, if one expands the “scientific community” beyond the rather small
group of sociologists and religious studies scholars specializing in new
religious movements, the notion that the “scientific community rejects
brainwashing theory” becomes more difficult to defend.
The general acceptability criterion of Frye became less
important in 1993, when Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc. altered the
criteria for admissibility of scientific expert testimony.
Daubert overturned the
seventy-year-old threshold federal standard for admitting scientific evidence
which was established in Frye. At the same time, the state court standard was
left in limbo as many state courts reexamine their rules in light of Daubert.
As Justice Blackmun’s opinion in Daubert explains, until 1993 most courts,
federal and state, followed the Frye rule that psychiatric, psychological, or
other scientific evidence could be offered in the courtroom only upon the
showing that the type of evidence was generally accepted in the field. That
general principle has been called into question with the determination that, at
least in the federal courts, Federal Rule 702 supersedes Frye and does away with
the “general acceptance” prerequisite. Instead, the new standard for federal
courts is whether “scientific, technical, or other specialized knowledge will
assist the trier of fact to understand the evidence to determine a fact in
issue.” (Hominik, 1995, p. 43 – also available in Appendix I of Web posting of
this article)
Not surprisingly, since Daubert the emphasis among
sympathizers in the courtroom has shifted to the alleged methodological
deficiencies of various theories of extreme influence that have been lumped
together under the term “brainwashing.” In particular, psychologist Dick
Anthony has argued that “brainwashing” theories are not scientific (Anthony,
1996, 2001). Anthony contends that so-called brainwashing testimony should not
even be allowed in the courtroom. However, despite some victories for those who
argue this point, judges in numerous cases have allowed, and continue to allow,
testimony concerning the use of powerful influence techniques (i.e.,
“brainwashing”) in group situations, nonreligious as well as religious.
Before he died Herb Rosedale, ICSA’s late president, had
been working on a paper on scholarship and advocacy, in which he analyzed how
expert testimony in highly charged ideological areas, such as cults, can affect
the scholarship of academics and professionals (Rosedale, unpublished).
Footnote 86 of his draft paper rebuts arguments to disallow brainwashing
testimony:
A brief comment directed to the
erosion of responsibility on the part of experts and others in describing the
state of the law in the U.S. courts with respect to the admission of
brainwashing, mind control and coercive persuasion testimony is also apposite.
In numerous papers and submissions to courts, advocates for new religions state
unequivocally that American courts do not admit testimony of brainwashing or
mind control. Factually, that is false. Many statements have been made by
those seeking to block admission of expert testimony as to mind control,
brainwashing and coercive persuasion asserting that the decision of the Federal
District Court in the Northern District of California in 1990, U.S. v.
Fishman, 743, F.Sup. 713, rejected the theory of coercive persuasion and
precluded admission of expert testimony with respect to it and that settled the
issue. That view was asserted in an affidavit submitted to a Florida court by a
well-recognized expert within the last few months and a similar statement was
made by another expert academic in a presentation in Europe last year. However,
in Hejl v. Sands, et al., Case #3PA-94-1035 in the Superior Court of the
State of Alaska in February, 2000, Judge Eric Smith wrote an extensive decision
in which he expressly permitted Dr. Paul Martin to testify as to coercive
persuasion over objection supported by an affidavit of Dick Anthony. In its
decision, the court pointed out that the theory of coercive persuasion was not
susceptible to being barred in evidence because it did not meet a falsifiability
test under Daubert. The court stated that there are many soft sciences
(such as psychiatry) which are both reliable and not falsifiable and testimony
is admissible if supported by peer review. Hejl v. Sands, et al.,
supra. Opinion on motion seeking to preclude evidence, p. 11 [Smith]. The
opinion went on to state that the theory is supported in a number of scholarly
books and journals which have been peer reviewed and is also supported by the
personal experience of experts in the field. The court pointed out that the
Fishman case was not dispositive and was, in fact, inconsistent with the
decision of the California Supreme Court in Molko v. Holy Spirit Association,
762, P2d, 46, California (1988), and other cases in which evidence of
non-physical coercion led to admissibility of evidence of coercive persuasion
(Ibid. p. 13) and cases cited at Footnote 3). In a further opinion in which the
defendants attacked the admissibility of not only the testimony of Dr. Paul
Martin but the testimony of a psychiatrist, Dr. John Hochman, the attack also
failed (See opinion on various of plaintiffs' motions in Limine dated February
25, 2000). Reference to defendant's motion 4 involves Dr. Martin's testimony, 6
Dr. Hochman's testimony and also 7 Dr. Hochman's testimony, 9 deals with
exclusion of testimony relating to religious beliefs, at pps 8-12, 13-20,
20-33. While both Fishman and Hejl are decisions of lower
courts, I have never seen Hejl cited in any submissions made or papers offered
by the supporters of new religious movements on the issues of mind control,
brainwashing or coercive persuasion, although it is clearly the most recent
comprehensive and receive analysis of the issues. Annexed hereto as Exhibit A
are the relevant pages from the decision of that court. (Rosedale, unpublished
paper, footnote 86)
It seems to me that professionals on both sides of the
debate will continue to have divergent opinions, which courts may or may not be
interested in considering in specific cases—in conjunction with other evidence
and opinions. It is presumptuous for expert witnesses to think that the future
of religious freedom hangs on their or their opponents’ testimony. If a certain
line of testimony is not persuasive, there is no harm in its being heard. If
that same line of testimony is persuasive, then why, other than the practical
desire to win, keep it out of the courtroom? Because one “camp” of experts has
decided that the importance of religious freedom demands that we protect judges
and juries from their own gullibility? Is there a fear that judges and juries
will be ‘brainwashed” by “brainwashing testimony”? I think this kind of
blacklisting is silly. Ultimately, intelligent ideas will defeat stupid ones.
And the republic will endure.
The courtroom debates will go on. These debates, however,
should not prevent us from continuing to dialogue with those who might hold
different opinions on issues in the cultic studies field (see
Kropveld, 2003; Langone,
1995,
2000). A book entitled,
Misunderstanding cults: Searching for
objectivity in a controversial field
(Zablocki & Robbins, 2001) is an
especially noteworthy attempt to foster dialogue. This book tries “to restore a
moderate perspective to the social scientific study of cults” (p. xiii).
Zablocki (2001) presents his theory of brainwashing in a chapter entitled,
“Towards a Demystified and Disinterested Scientific Theory of Brainwashing.” In
that same volume Dick Anthony was given an opportunity to critique brainwashing
theories. Anthony’s chapter (2001), “Tactical Ambiguity and Brainwashing
Formulations: Science or Pseudo Science,” takes up 103 pages of this 515-page
book—far and away the longest chapter in the book.
Zablocki felt that Anthony’s critique was so deficient that
it demanded a long, detailed, point-by-point refutation. We have published
Zablocki’s rejoinder to Anthony in order to continue ICSA’s historical
documentation of the critic-sympathizer disputes and dialogue (Zablocki, 2005).
Although scholars will undoubtedly continue to debate these
issues in and outside the courtroom, I believe that the passions that once
characterized this field have diminished considerably. Recent years have
witnessed numerous civil and productive exchanges between critics and
sympathizers. Our disagreements are more informed and respectful. And there is
a growing recognition that we have more common ground than we once thought. I
believe that this trend will continue and will do what I can to encourage it.
References
Amitrani,
Alberto, & Di Marzio, Raffaella. (2000a).
Blind or just don’t want to see ?
Brainwashing, mystification, and suspicion.
Cultic Studies Journal, 17, 122-142.
Available at
http://www.culticstudies.org/infoserv
_articles/amitrani_alberto_and_dimarzio_raffaella_blindordontwanttosee.htm.
Amitrani,
Alberto, & Di Marzio, Raffaella. (2000b).
“Mind control” in new religious movements and
the American Psychological Association.
Cultic Studies Journal, 17, 101-121.
Available at
http://www.culticstudies.org/infoserv_articles/amitrani_alberto
_apaandmindcontrol.htm.
Anthony, Dick. (1996).
Brainwashing and totalitarian influence: An
exploration of admissibility criteria for
testimony in brainwashing trials. Ann
Arbor: UMI Dissertation Services.
Anthony, Dick. (2001).
Tactical ambiguity and brainwashing
formulations: Science or Pseudo Science. In
Benjamin Zablocki & Thomas Robbins (Eds.),
Misunderstanding cults: Searching for
objectivity in a controversial field (pp.
215-317). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Balch, Robert W., &
Langdon, Stephen. (1998). How the problem of
malfeasance gets overlooked in studies of new
religions: An examination of the AWARE study of
Church Universal and Triumphant. In Anson Shupe
(Ed.), Wolves within the fold: Religious
leadership and abuses of power (pp. 191-211
). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
Bardin, David. (1994).
Psychological coercion and human rights: Mind
control (“brainwashing”) exists.
http://www.culticstudies.org/infoserv_articles/bardin_david
_psy_coercion_human_rights.htm
Beit-Hallahmi, Benjamin.
(2001). “O truant muse”: Collaborationism and
research integrity. In B. Zablocki & T. Robbins
(Eds.), Misunderstanding cults: Searching for
objectivity in a controversial field (pp.
35-70). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
(See
http://www.apologeticsindex.org/b35.html for
online versions of conference paper on which
this chapter was based.)
Bromley, David, & Shupe,
Anson. (1981). Strange gods: The great
American cult scare. Boston: Beacon Press.
Bromley, D. G., Shupe, A.,
& Ventimiglia, J. C. (1979). Atrocity tales, the
Unification Church, and the social construction
of evil. Journal of Communication, 29,
42-53.
Clark, John, Langone,
Michael, Schecter, Robert, & Daly, Roger.
(1981). Destructive cult conversion: Theory,
research, and treatment. Weston, MA: American
Family Foundation.
Daubert v. Merrell Dow
Pharmaceuticals, Inc., 113 S.Ct. 2786 (1993).
Frye v. United States, 293
F.2d 1013 (D.C. Cir. 1923).
Hadden, Jeffrey K. (1989,
December 20). To: Social scientists concerned
about forensic and related issues dealing with
new religious movements. Posted at
http://www.apologeticsindex.org/h14a01.html.
Hominik, David. (1995).
Cults in Amereican society: A legal analysis of
undue influence, fraud, and misrepresentation.
Cultic Studies Journal, 12(1), 1-48.
Available at
http://www.culticstudies.org/infoserv_articles/hominik_david
_cultsi_in_american_society.htm.
Keiser, Thomas, & Keiser,
Jacqueline. (1987). The anatomy of an
illusion: religious cults and destructive
persuasion. Springfield: Charles Thomas.
Kent, Stephen A., & Krebs,
Theresa. (1998a). Academic compromise in the
social scientific study of alternative
religions. Nova Religio, 2(1), 44-54. See
also:
http://www.apologeticsindex.org/c26.html
Kent, Stephen A., & Krebs,
Theresa. (1998b). When scholars know sin:
Alternative religions and their academic
supporters. Skeptic, 6(3), 36-44. (A discussion
forum on this article was published in Volume 7,
Number 1 of Skeptic, pp. 14-25.) See
also:
http://www.apologeticsindex.org/c26.html
Kilbourne, Brock. (1985).
Scientific research and new religions:
Divergent perspectives. San Francisco:
Pacific Division, American Association for the
Advancement of Science, pp. 90-113.
Kropveld, Michael.
(2003). An Example for Controversy: Creating a
Model for Reconciliation. Cultic Studies
Review, 2(2), 130-150. Available at http://www.culticstudies.org/infoserv_articles/kropveld_michael
_anexampleforcontroversy.htm.
Langone, Michael D.
(1983). On dialogue between the two tribes of
cultic researchers. Cultic Studies
Newsletter, 2(1), 11-15. Langone, Michael D.
(1993). Recovery from cults: Help for victims
of psychological and spiritual abuse. New
York: Norton.
Langone, Michael D.
(1995). Secular and religious critiques of
cults: Complementary visions, not irresolvable
conflicts. Cultic Studies Journal, 12(2),
166-186. Available at
http://www.culticstudies.org/infoserv_articles/langone_michael
_secularandreligiouscritiquesofcults.htm.
Langone, Michael D.
(2000). The two “camps” of cultic studies: Time
for a dialogue. Cultic Studies Journal, 17,
79-100. Available at
http://www.culticstudies.org/infoserv_articles/langone_michael
_twocampsofculticstudies.htm.
Langone, Michael D., &
Clark, John G. (1985). New religions and public
policy: Research implications for social and
behavioral scientists. In Brock Kilbourne
(Ed.), Scientific research and new religions:
Divergent perspectives. San Francisco: Pacific
Division, American Association for the
Advancement of Science. Available at
http://www.csj.org/infoserv_articles/
langone_michael_new_religions_and_public_policy.htm
Lewis, James. (1989).
Apostates and the legitimation of repression:
Some historical and empirical perspectives on
the cult controversy. Sociological Analysis:
A Journal in the Sociology of Religion, 49,
386-397.
Lottick, Edward. (2005,
July). Prevalence of cults in the U.S.A. Paper
presented at the conference Psychological
Manipulation, Cultic Groups and Other
Alternative Movements, conducted by
International Cultic Studies Association and
Universidad Autonoma de Madrid. July 14-16,
2005, Madrid, Spain.
Malinoski, Peter, Langone,
Michael D., & Lynn, Stephen J. (1998).
Psychological distress in former members of the
International churches of Christ and noncultic
groups. Cultic Studies Journal, 16(1),
33-52.
Martin, Paul R., Pile,
Lawrence A., Burks, Ron, & Martin, Stephen D.
(1998). Overcoming the bondage of
revictimization: A rational/empirical defense of
thought reform. Cultic Studies Journal,
15(2), 151-190. Available at
http://www.culticstudies.org/infoserv_articles/martin_paul
_overcomingthebondage.htm.
McKibben, J.
A.,
Lynn, S. J., & Malinoski, P. T. (2000). Are
cultic environments psychologically harmful?
Clinical Psychology Review, 20, 91-111.
(Reprinted in Cultic Studies Review, 1(3), 2002.
Available at
http://www.culticstudiesreview.org/csr_member/mem_articles
/mckibben_jodi_csr0103.htm.)
Ofshe, Richard. (1992).
Coercive persuasion and attitude change. In E.
F. Borgatta & M. L. Borgatta (Eds.).
Encyclopedia of sociology (pp. 212-224).
New York: Macmillan.
Richardson, James T.
(1996). Sociology and the new religions:
“Brainwashing,” the courts, and religious
freedom. In P. J. Jenkins & S. Kroll-Smith
(Eds.), Witnessing for sociology:
Sociologists in court. Westport, CT:
Praeger.
Robbins, Thomas. (1983).
Cults, coercion, and dialogue. Cultic
Studies Newsletter, 2(1), 1-5.
Robbins, Thomas. (1985).
Objectionable aspects of “cults”: Rhetoric and
reality. Cultic Studies Journal, 2(2),
358-370.
Robbins, Thomas, &
Anthony, Dick. (1981). In gods we trust.
New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books.
Rosedale, Herbert L.
(1993). Cult litigation doesn’t threaten
religion. Cult Observer, 10(2).
Available at
http://www.culticstudies.org/infoserv_articles/rosedale_herb_cult_litig_nothreat.htm
Rosedale,
Herbert L., & Langone, Michael D. (1998).
On using the term “cult.” In American Family
Foundation, Cults and psychological abuse: A
resource guide (pp. 22-28). Bonita Springs,
FL: American Family Foundation. Also available
at
http://www.culticstudies.org/infoserv_articles/langone_michael_term_cult.htm
Shinn, Larry D. (1992).
Cult conversion and the courts: Some ethical
issues in academic expert testimony.
Sociological Analysis, 53(3), 273-285.
Schuller, J. (1983).
Review of Strange gods: The great American
cult scare. Cultic Studies Newsletter,
2(1), 8-11.
Singer, Margaret T.
(1986). Group psychodynamics. In R. Berkow
(Ed.), The Merck manual of diagnosis and
therapy (15th edition) (pp. 1467-1471).
Rahway, NJ: Merck.
West, Louis J., & Singer,
Margaret T. (1980). Cults, quacks, and
nonprofessional psychotherapies. In A. M.
Friedman, H. I. Kaplan, & B. J. Saddock (Eds.).
Comprehensive textbook of psychiatry, III
(pp. 3245-3458). Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins.
Zablocki, Benjamin.
(1996). Reliability and validity of apostate
accounts in the study of religious communities.
Paper presented at the Association for the
Sociology of Religion in New York City,
Saturday, August 17, 1996.
Zablocki, Benjamin.
(1997). The blacklisting of a concept: The
strange history of the brainwashing conjecture
in the sociology of religion. Nova Religio:
The Journal of Alternative and Emergent
Religions, 1(1), 96-121.
Zablocki, Benjamin.
(2001). Towards a demystified and disinterested
scientific theory of brainwashing. In Benjamin
Zablocki & Thomas Robbins (Eds.),
Misunderstanding cults: Searching for
objectivity in a controversial field (pp.
159-214). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Zablocki, Benjamin.
(2005). Methodological fallacies in Anthony’s
critique of exit cost analysis. Cultic
Studies Review, 4(2). Available at http…
Zablocki, Benjamin, &
Robbins, Thomas (Eds.). (2001).
Misunderstanding cults: Searching for
objectivity in a controversial field (pp.
215-317). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Zimbardo, P. (1997, May).
What messages are behind today’s cults.
Monitor. Washington, D.C.: American
Psychological Association.
Zimbardo, P.
(2002, November). Mind control:
Psychological reality or mindless rhetoric?
Monitor on Psychology. Washington, DC:
American Psychological Association.
[1]
This paper relies on a slight
modification of the Zablocki definition of “cult” presented in
Rosedale & Langone (1998): "an ideological organization held
together by charismatic relationships and demanding a high level of
commitment."
|